HISTORY OF TEACHERS UNIONS Until 1960, teachers remained relatively untouched by unionism. By
1970, more than half of U.S. public school teachers had been recruited
by the National Education Association (NEA) or the American Federation
of Teachers (AFT). Now, approximately 75 percent of the nation's
public school teachers hold union membership. Along with this phenomenal
surge in growth has come strong political leverage at the local,
state, and national levels. Union pressure on state legislators
has resulted in increased rights for unionized teachers, including
the right to strike.
While the unions advocate academic excellence, their primary concerns
are salaries, job security and issues of employment equity. Critics
argue that unionizing public education has had adverse effects in
terms of academic achievement. For instance, Dr. Sam Peltzman, a
professor of economics at the University of Chicago, notes that from
1965 to 1980, real expenditures per student doubled as teacher ratios
declined by one fourth. Yet in this same 15 year period, student
performance showed significant decline.
Union supporters contend that "collective bargaining is necessary
not only to protect education employees' rights and improve their
working conditions, but to improve the quality of instruction,"(Keith
Geiger, former NEA President). Now a formidable political force,
teacher unions have expanded their agenda to include a broad range
of social and philosophical issues. A significant percentage of union
dues is spent on lobbying for these issues, a practice that has resulted
in growing conflict with more conservative educators.
AREAS OF CONFLICT
Disagreement between evangelical Christians and teacher unions (particularly
NEA) has centered on the following issues:
Centralization of educational policies and
its potential for diminished participation by parents and local school
boards;
Social issues, such as abortion, homosexuality, and premarital sex,
Curriculum issues, including creation vs. evolutionary theory, global
education and ethnocentric approaches to social science, values clarification
and self-esteem education vs. training in moral absolutes, and the
appropriateness
of religious (Judeo-Christian) content in classroom instruction.
THE RIGHT OF DISSENT
The conflict on these issues is heightened by the growing number
of closed-shop districts where union membership is a condition of
employment, however no teacher has to join to teach in that district.
In an effort to stem the tide of union control and influence, a growing
number of political conservative evangelicals have become active
in school board races. Usually referred to as "the religious
right," these Christian activists are commonly portrayed as
wild-eyed fanatics intent on dismantling U.S. public education. In
recent years, this conflict has escalated to a fever pitch, resulting
in polarization, hostile rhetoric and the so-called "culture
wars."
THE CHRISTIAN RESPONSE
In the midst of this warring factionalism, a growing number of Christians
are advocating dialogue and mediation. One outstanding example of
the quest for improved debate, is a statement of principles for addressing
conflicts in public education formulated by the Freedom Forum First
Amendment Center. In the words of its framers,
"If controversies about public education
are to advance the best interests of the nation, then how we debate
and not only what
we debate is critical."
Some Christian educators choose to participate
fully in a union, believing they can have a significant voice on
behalf of Judeo-Christian
concerns. Others oppose all union involvement and, in "agency
shop" situation, they stipulate that their dues may be used
only in contract negotiations (a legal option for those assertive
enough to demand it.) Those who decide reverent participation poses
a serious violation of their beliefs find helpful allies in advocacy
groups such as the NATIONAL RIGHT TO WORK, CONCERNED EDUCATORS AGAINST
FORCED UNIONISM, RUTHERFORD INSTITUTE and many others.